Annual Human Rights Report March 2001- March 2002 Introduction The government of Sudan has voiced intentions to improve the human rights situation in the country over the past year, and some concessions have been made towards this end. With the exception of the continued detention of opposition PNC leaders including Hassan Al Turabi, the number of long term detentions in Sudan decreased in 2001. However, these good intentions and ad hoc concessions have not been codified in law, and as such the rights and freedoms of the people of Sudan remain open to daily abuse and political manipulation. Moreover, changes made in 2002 to the Criminal Code and in 2001 to the National Security Act are actively disadvantageous to the promotion of human rights in Sudan and will render improvements even less likely. President Bashir’s administration has insisted that slow progress towards establishing legal guarantees has been the result of blocking tactics by supporters of Hassan Al Turabi, who remain a faction within the present regime. However, the reason for failure to progress towards enshrining human rights protections in law is more likely to derive from a lack of political will within the government as a whole. Whilst the number of long term detentions may have decreased, 2001 saw individuals belonging to many groups in Sudanese society continue to suffer repression, harassment and torture at the hands of security officers. Students at Sudan’s universities experienced increased levels of persecution compared to previous years, and SOAT received numerous testimonies which showed the emergence of a pattern of systematic harassment and torture, with members of the Student Democratic Front being particularly targetted. (See Section 5, Persecution of Students, page 14, for details) Freedoms of expression were also curtailed as newspapers operated under continued ‘pre-printing’ censorship and the threat of excessive fines, whilst their journalists were arbitrarily arrested and subjected to trials before summary courts – a new development in the treatment of journalists. (See Section 2, Freedom of Expression, page 6, for details) The use of cruel and degrading punishments in line with the regime’s interpretation of Shari’a Law was stepped up during 2001, as sentences of amputation were once more carried out in Kober prison and in Darfour province. The resumption of amputations represents a disturbing and regressive move by the government of Sudan, after a large number of amputation and cross amputation sentences had been suspended during the previous year. (See Section 6, Death Penalty and Amputations, page 17) Human rights violations associated with the civil war continued in Southern Sudan, with 568 bombs dropped on non-military targets, more than 100 civilians confirmed killed and hundreds injured. The bombing of civilians in the south did not cease despite several agreements by forces on both sides of the war to halt attacks on non-military targets, and despite conditions laid down in January 2002 by US special envoy Senator Danforth, which stipulated “a monitorable arrangement for the protection of civilians from attack”. Negotiations between the US and the Government of Sudan were temporarily derailed by a helicopter attack in February 2002 at Bieh, Western Upper Nile, in which 17 civilians waiting at a World Food Program compound were killed. However, some progress continues to be made in achieving the other conditions set out by the Danforth initiative, including monitoring the ceasefire in the Nuba mountains and establishing an international commission to investigate the question of abductions in southern Sudan. Concern about the situation in Darfour has also grown considerably over the past year. During 2001, tribal conflict between the Four tribe of Darfour and Arabs in the region has risen to unprecedented levels. Arab tribes from Chad have joined those in Darfour, and weapons such as machetes which have not previously been employed, were used to mutilate bodies of the dead after entire villages were burnt. A total of 1,376 people from the Four tribe were killed and 364 wounded through the year as a result of the conflict. The Arab tribes suffered much lesser losses, with 271 killed and 20 injured, and leaders of the Four accused the government of Sudan of supporting Arab tribes. Fighting has been fuelled by drought in Darfour which has led to severe shortages of pasture land, and conflict has consequently arisen between the tribes over the little viable land which remains. Over the previous 3 years, rain levels in the area have fallen from 400 mm per year to 100 mm, and during 2001 that level fell again to less than 100 mm, leaving a drought which since December 2001, was estimated to affect the whole of Darfour and some parts of Kordofan, putting 950,000 people at risk of starvation. Moreover, water table levels have dropped significantly and much of the water that remains is contaminated, leading to an increase in the number of people in the regionsuffering from diseases such as Giardia, Diarrhoea and Gastric Flu. Food shortages are especially severe in the north and west of Darfour, where even Jebra, Kara, Kalokotang and Jebel Mara, situated in areas that are normally fertile and productive, are badly affected. The shortfall in food supplies in the region is estimated at 65,773 tonnes, an amount which would normally be sufficient to feed 420,000 people. Strategic reserves of food have also been completely depleted, and 200,000 people are thought to have been displaced to Chad due to food insecurity. Whilst the government has promised to provide 80% of the amount lost through drought, no supplies have yet been delivered to the region. Mr Osman Hummaida, Director of SOAT, conducted a visit
to the Sudan between 18 and 30 March 2002, and met with government officials
including representatives of the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry
of Justice and the Ministry of Foreign affairs, as well as with members
of the Bar Association, the Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid, and the
head of the Human Rights Committee of the Sudanese parliament. During
these meetings, SVTG raised concerns relating to the following issues: SOAT emphasized that lifting impunity for security officers and a commitment to pursue perpetrators of torture are essential if the government of Sudan is serious about improving human rights in the country. SVTG presented several cases to the deputy secretary of the Ministry of Justice who stated that he would give his personal attention to the matter and co-operate fully in bringing the perpetrators to justice. It was also agreed that changes should be made to the procedures followed in the Emergency Courts of Darfour, as well as to recent amendments to the 1991 Criminal Code, in order to bring it more in line with Sudan’s international commitments on human rights. Representatives of the Ministry of the Interior agreed on the need for training to be given to law enforcement personnel, in particular members of the police and Community Security Police, who should be ready to receive complaints about ill-treatment and to initiate investigations. The representative stated that the Ministry was prepared to carry out administrative investigations against perpetrators of torture and harassment. During his visit Mr Hummaida also met with diplomatic missions from the French, German, Swiss, Canadian and British embassies, as well as with the EU delegation, the Head of the office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Khartoum, with non-governmental organisations including the International Red Cross, and with NDA leaders, trade unionists, journalists, lawyers, doctors and members of the SVTG student network in Sudan.
1. Human Rights Defenders and Lawyers The opening of the Amal Centre and the Khartoum Centre for Human Rights Education and Environmental Development in May 2001 marked one of the few positive developments for human rights defenders in Sudan, in a year when government policies and the actions of security forces made it increasingly difficult for them to carry out their work effectively. May and June 2001 saw a crackdown by the government on the activities of human rights defenders, focussing particularly on prominent members of the SOAT network and staff working at the Amal Centre for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Physical and Mental Trauma. The Amal Centre provides free medical treatment and counselling services to victims of torture and physical violence. It works in partnership with SOAT and is a member of the IRCT network (International Rehabilitation Council for Victims of Torture). There were 6 main patterns of persecution and harassment reported during the year 2001: 1. Human rights defenders are arrested for long periods without charge or trial. See cases in section 1 and 2. 2. The Sudanese security forces have adopted more frequently the method of 'part time arrest'. In these cases human rights defenders and lawyers were ordered to report on a daily basis to the Security Forces Headquarters and are kept from morning to night, sometimes without interrogation or charges being brought against them. See case 2. 3. Continual surveillance of the offices of lawyers and human rights organisations and harassment, intimidation and threatening of human rights defenders. See case 2. 4. Harassment, intimidation and arrest of witnesses. See case 4. 5. Confiscation of personal belongings including computers, client files and documents and evidence. See Faisal case. 6. Denial of visits from relatives. See Faisal case. SOAT received the following reports on the position of human rights defenders. On March 11, 2001 security forces arrested Dr Nageeb Nagmeldin el Toum, prominent human rights defender, member of SOAT network in Sudan and Director of the Amal Centre for Rehabilitation of Victims of Physical and Mental Trauma, and the former secretary general of the banned Sudanese Doctors Union. He was arrested 2 days before a planned meeting with the UN Special Rapporteur for Sudan on Tuesday 13 March. The security forces accused him of preparing lists of victims of torture for the Special Rapporteur. Dr Nageeb was arrested at the Amal centre in Khartoum north, and then taken to his house, also in Khartoum north, which was searched by the security forces. Computers, printers, fax machines, scanners, all the patient files, and miscellaneous other documents were confiscated from the Amal centre by the security forces, and Dr Nageeb’s mobile phone was removed from his house. Also arrested from the Amal Centre were two other members of staff, Fatih Mohamed Ahmed (administrator) and Ms Zienab Omer (secretary). Mr Ahmed and Ms Omer were released on the evening of 11 March after a lengthy interrogation. Dr Nageeb was eventually released on March 29, 2001, but was required to report to the Political Section of the security offices on 6 June, 2001, when he was detained for four hours, and once again on 9 June 2001. Dr Nageeb provides free medical treatment, counselling and rehabilitation for victims of torture and human rights violations. He has been arrested 7 times since 1989 and has spent over four years in prison. He was first arrested in 1989 and detained in Shalla Prison from September 1989 until June 1991. He was again arrested following the doctors strike in August 1996. During his detention he was tortured with beatings and whippings and spent long periods blindfolded. The results of the torture are that he now suffers from general ill health. The Amal Centre for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Physical and Mental Trauma had to suspend many of its normal functions for almost 4 months in the middle of 2001, until material confiscated by the security forces on 11 March was eventually returned on 27 June, 2001 following a campaign by international human rights organisations and the intervention of some European delegations in Khartoum. Another prominent member of the SOAT network, Faisal el Bagir Mohamed, also a human rights defender and freelance journalist, was arrested at his house in Khartoum on 13 June, 2001. Security officers searched the house for four hours, with Mr el Bagir’s wife and child present, and confiscated his motorcycle, personal computer, printer, fax machine, diary and a number of books and personal documents. He was released on 13 June and ordered to report again on 14 June , to the security forces in Khartoum. When he returned the following day, he was kept at the security offices and remained in detention until June 26 when he was released without charge or trial, and was denied the return of the personal belongings confiscated at the time of his arrest. During his detention, Faisal was held in solitary confinement for a period of 7 days. Mr el Bagir’s wife, Mona Shashog was denied any visits or contact with her husband. The computer, fax machine and printer belonging to Faisal el Bagir are still being held by the security forces. Harassment of Faisal el-Bagir continued later in 2001. On 16 October, 2001, the security forces ordered him to report to their offices, where he was interrogated about his activities with SVTG and the Khartoum Centre for Human Rights and about the petition and complaint he wrote to the Minister of Justice in which he demanded the return of his personal belongings, confiscated illegally by the security when he was arrested in June 2001. On 29 October Faisal was once again summoned for interrogation and was questioned for 2 hours by the security forces about his human rights activities and his petition to the Minister of Justice. Dr Nageeb Nagmeldin el Toum, Director of the Amal Centre, also suffered continued harassment. He was summoned to the security forces headquarters on 10 and 11 October 2001. He was interrogated about the Centre’s activities by the security officers, who informed him that the Centre would be placed under permanent surveillance for a period of two months, after which they would make a decision about its future. Whilst on 18 October 2001, successful representations by the European Union and the British embassy in Khartoum led to the lifting of government restrictions previously imposed on a number of cultural centres, the government stated that the Amal Centre and the Khartoum Centre for Human Rights would remain under heavy surveillance. Ms Tahani Ibrahim Ahmed, 18 years old and a first year computer science student at the College of Technological Science in Omdurman, was suspended for 12 months from the College on 2 February, 2002 for carrying out human rights activities. Tahani is a member of the SOAT student network and has formed a human rights group together with other students, organizing a symposium in which she spoke about women’s rights and CEDAW (Convention for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women). After her 12 month suspension and before being re-admitted to the College, the student will be forced to sign a pledge to behave in accordance with the Student Discipline and Code of -Conduct Act (2002) which prohibits students from taking part in human rights organizing and political activities. The College has warned that she will be dismissed if she continues to pursue these activities.
On Saturday June 23, the Security forces interrupted a workshop on “Democracy and Gender Issues” organised by the Gender Centre in Khartoum. All participants in the workshop were interrogated about their political affiliations and their addresses were taken. Three participants and speakers were arrested, who were named as: 1. Ms. Neimat Koko, Gender Centre On 9 October 2001 the Sudanese security authorities launched a new campaign against organisations of civil society. During the course of this campaign the following organisations have been targeted: 1- Abdul Kareem Margani Cultural Centre (AMCC). Dr. Hydar Ibrahim Ali, Director of CSS, was summoned to the security forces headquarters on 9 October 2001. He was interrogated about the activities of the Centre, in particular the public symposium which was held on 7 October, and was ordered to suspend all the Centre’s activities until further notice. Dr. Ali was denied the right to express his views and arguments. CSS was set up by Dr. Haydar Ibrahim in exile. The Centre moved to Sudan after the Sudanese Authorities gave him permission to operate from inside Sudan and it is registered with the Ministry for Culture and Tourism. The Centre is working for the promotion of Sudanese literature, and to encourage young Sudanese intellectuals to publish their work, and has produced many publications covering a variety of Sudanese intellectual and cultural subjects. It has also organised various cultural and artistic events, intellectual workshops and symposiums. Mr. Hydar Al-halab, Director of Abdul Kareem Margani
Cultural Centre, was also summoned on 9 October 2001, together with the
Director of the Gender Centre for Research and Development. The Gender Centre for Research and Development was established in April 1997, and registered with the Attorney General as a consultancy group. It provides education, training and research for women and its mission is raising the awareness of Sudanese women about their rights and addressing issues of concern to them. Individual Cases of ill treatment of lawyers during 2001 1) Ali Mahmoud Hassanain and Ghazi Suliman were under arrest during January and February 2001. They were arrested on the grounds that they had agreed to act for the defence of the arrested leading NDA members. Mr Hassanain was the principal defence lawyer for the NDA members. They were released on the 17 February 2001. Upon their release Ghazi confirmed that he had been tortured, kept in solitary confinement, and kept on a very poor diet (Ghazi is diabetic). Mr. Hassanain confirmed that he had witnessed Ghazi’s torture and had himself been badly treated and denied medication after being bitten by one of the rats in the cell. His family admitted Ghazi to hospital immediately after his release where the medical report confirms his account of torture. They spent over 70 days in detention without valid charges or trail. 2) Osman Yousif, a lawyer and human rights defender, was arrested on February 13 from his office in Khartoum and was released on 4 June 2001. The Security Forces searched his office and confiscated his computer and papers concerning him and his clients. His arrest came after the Democratic Front for Lawyers
issued a memorandum On 5 February Nasr Aldeen Yousif reported that he was beaten by security officers because he was 15 minutes late in reporting to the security offices. The three lawyers are members of the Democratic Front for Lawyers; their arrest was aimed at spreading fears and preventing them from preparing for the election of the Bar Association 4) Amir Mohamed Suliman, Director of Khartoum Centre for human rights and member of SOAT’s lawyers network, decided to take a case of a medical student who was charged by the security in Alduweim city. On 10 December there was a court hearing to hear the defence case and statements of the prime defence witness, Hisham Abdullateef. Following the session, the witness, defendant and lawyer were leaving the court premises and were followed by security officers to the city centre, verbally intimidated and harassed. All three men were to take a coach back to Khartoum but were obstructed by two security officers. The security officers were named as Mubarak Suliman and Yousif Abu Ugla. The officers arrested the prime witness Hisham Abdullateef and took him to the premises of the general security in Alduweim city where he spent 5 days under arrest during which he was severely tortured and asked to change his testimony. Another witness, Mohamed Ahmed Abdel Gadir, was arrested by the security forces in Alkawa town on 9 December 2001, a day before the court hearing. He was ordered not to leave the town until 12 December by which time the case would have been heard.
During 2001 the government has continued to impose a policy of censorship. The pre-printing censorship implemented by the security forces, usually involves sending letters or telephoning newspaper editors instructing them not to publish certain news or comment on certain events. The security officers visit newspaper offices every day prior to printing, and they can order the removal of particular articles or news items. Even after this ‘pre-print’ censorship, security officers have the power to confiscate copies of any paper after it has been printed. The Sudanese authorities are using excessive fines and arbitrary trials to curtail freedom of expression and many newspapers have suffered serious financial damages as a result of these policies. On 28 November 2001, the government lifted previously
enforced censorship from 12 of the country’s daily newspapers. Four
newspapers: Alwan, AlRai Al Akher, Al-Watan and the Khartoum Monitor continue
to be under heavy censorship. Information Minister Mahdi Ibrahim met with
the editors-in-chief on 28 November and informed then that on the 27 November,
President Omar al-Bashir had ordered that pre-printing censorship be lifted
from 12 dailies as of the 28th, while controls remained in force on four
others. During 2001, charges were brought against many newspapers and their chief editors, accusing them of "propagating false news" under section 66 of the Sudanese Penal Code, which is interpreted by the Sudanese authorities to include any criticism of the government. Charges were upheld after a "summary and unfair trial". (See Khartoum monitor and Alwan case) 3. Patterns of Harassment 6. Journalists arrested, charged and tried under either the Criminal Act 1991, the Press and Publication Act 1992 or the National Security Act 1994. (Details of the frequently used Articles are given below). 7. Journalists arrested for long periods without charge or trial. 8. The Sudanese security forces have adopted a new method of 'part time arrest'. In these cases journalists are ordered to report on a daily basis to the Security Forces Headquarters and detained from morning to night, sometimes without interrogation or charges being brought against them. 9. Continual surveillance of the newspapers and of individual journalists, and patterns of harassment, intimidation and threatening of journalists. 10. Confiscation of whole issues of a newspaper which incur substantial financial losses 11. Confiscation of personal belongings, computers, diaries and personal documents The different Articles of the Criminal Code (1991), which are frequently used to prosecute journalists are as follows: Article 63: Waging war against the state In addition to these articles, journalists are also prosecuted under Articles 23, 25 and 26 of The Press and Publication Act. On 11 April 2001, Alfred Taban, chairman of the board of Sudan's main English daily, 'Khartoum Monitor' and a reporter for Reuters and the British Broadcasting Corporation, was arrested and detained after he tried to attend a news conference by church leaders in Khartoum in protest against the arrests of Christians from Green Square. No charges have been brought against Taban. Other people, including another local journalist, who were detained at the same time, have been released. His whereabouts was kept from his family. Taban, a Christian, was detained for several months in 1990 for criticizing the government of President Bashir. He was released on Tuesday 17 April 2001. He was not tortured but was not allowed to change his clothes for 7 days. He spent the first few hours in the security office in Khartoum before being transferred on the same day to Kober prison. He was not interrogated at any time during his detention. On Monday 16 July 2001, Mr Mohamed Latif, a journalist, was detained by security officers. He was arrested at 2pm from his office in Khartoum and kept at the security offices until 10:30pm the same evening. Articles he had written in the Al-Ray Aam Newspaper prompted his arrest. On Tuesday 17 July, Mr Osman Khidir, a writer at the Aldastour Weekly Magazine was asked to report to the security offices on a daily basis and he continued to report for a week. On Tuesday 17 July, Mr Alfred Tabban, the chairman of the board of The Khartoum Monitor and a reporter for Reuters and the British Broadcasting Corporation, was asked to report to the security offices. Mr Tabban and Mr Albino Okeny, the editor in chief of Khartoum Monitor, a distinguished journalist and correspondent of the DPA, were interrogated about the journalists working at the Khartoum Monitor. On 20 November 2001, 22 journalists from the independent Al-Watan Daily were arrested for protesting about a ban on their publication of an article concerning corruption. Security officials raided the offices on the evening of Monday 19 November in efforts to prevent them from publishing an article about the seizure of more than 2 billion Sudanese pounds (over 800,000 US dollars) worth of expired medicines and the arrest of a number of merchants that day. The medicine had passed its use date but was continuing to be sold in Omdurman. On the afternoon of 20 November, the newspaper held a press conference after which about 50 Al-Watan journalists marched peacefully through the streets with their mouths wrapped with pieces of cloth to show they had been censored. Riot police stopped them on their return and rounded up 22 protestors. Security officials also confiscated a video film from the MBC correspondent. The journalists were taken to the Security of the Community Police building where they were forced to stand in the sun with their hands above their heads against a wall for many hours. The 3 women were separated from their colleagues. They were forced to sit in one chair for many hours. Those arrested were: All the journalists were charged under Article 51(Waging War against the State) and Article 67 (offences relating to public tranquillity and rioting) and Article 69 (Disturbance of Public Peace). They were released on bail on Wednesday 21 November 2001. On 9 January 2002, the security forces summoned Saad Aldin Ibrahim, Chief Editor of Alhoria daily and Idris Aldoma, editor of Alhoria daily for interrogation about the some material published in their daily newspapers. Also on 9 January 2002, Mohmmed Taha Mohamed Ahmed, Chief Editor of Alwifaq was summoned for interrogation, and on 10 January, Mohammed Ahmed Karar and Abdel Khaliq, Chief Editors of Soat AlShariah and Abdel Raziq, Chief Editor of Soat Alshariah, and Mohey Aldin Titawi, chief editor of Al Aisbouh were also summoned for interrogation. All of the men were released on the same day and were ordered to report to the Security Offices each day of the following week. On 16 January 2002 the Khartoum Criminal court ruled that the Khartoum Monitor would have to pay a fine of 15 million Sudanese Pounds (or 150,000 Sudanese dinars, about US $6,000) for printing an article alleging that the government permits its railways to be used to transport slaves. The judge turned down the defence lawyer’s request for presenting a defence statement, arguing that the case was closed with the confession made by Nhial Bol managing editor of the Khartoum Monitor. Bol was released from detention at Omdurman prison on 17 January after the newspaper paid a 5 million Sudanese pounds (about US $2,000) fine imposed on him over the same article. In February 2002, Al Haj Warrag, the director of Alhoria daily was summoned twice by security officers for interrogation about the political line of the views stated in his column. On 13 February 2002, journalist Lubna Ahmed Hussein working for AlSahafa daily was summoned to the security offices for interrogation about her daily column and her political views. Sidahmed Khalifa, chief editor of Al Watan daily, was also arrested and detained for 24 hours and released on bail after being charged under article 66 of the Criminal Code. 22 February 2002 saw Hussein Khojali chief editor of Alwan daily arrested, charged and fined five million Sudanese pounds. He was charged under articles 21 and 66 of the penal code and article 22/1/a and 25/a of the Press and Publication Act. Armed Security officers confiscated 3000 copies of Alhoria
daily before they were distributed on 4 February 2002, and on 6 February
confiscated copies of the Almushahid daily sport newspaper after it had
been printed. On 27 March 2002, the Special Court in Khartoum sentenced Saad Aldin Ibrahim, Chief Editor of Alhoria daily, and the caricaturist Salah Salim. The two were fined 8 million Sudanese pounds for a piece of caricature criticizing the tax office. On the same day, Osman Sinada, chief editor of Al Rai Al Akher, was fined 3 million Sudanese pounds. On 28 March 2002, the District Attorney for crimes against the state summoned Mahjoub Mohamed Salih, chief editor of Al Ayaam daily and Doctor Zohair Al Saraj. The two men were charged under articles 66 (publication of false news) and 95 (preventing summons to attend) of the 1991 Criminal code after an article in the newspaper criticised the behaviour of the Community Security Police. In January 2002 Al-Watan daily failed to appear for one day when the security authorities ordered an article to be removed, and its staff, including chief editor Sidahmed Khalifa, were detained then released on bail after several hours of detention, for charges of disturbing public peace and staging an unlawful march. The Khartoum Monitor and Al Rai Al Akher dailies have been closed down several times in the last year for publishing articles of which the authorities disapproved, and their journalists have been constantly harassed. The Monitor's executives were charged and sentenced to fines and imprisonment for instigating hatred against the state and inciting religious and ethnic hatred. For further information, see also Section 1, Human Rights Defenders and Lawyers, page 3 3. Arrest and detention of opposition leaders and political activists The government of Sudan continued in 2001 to suppress opposition to the ruling Islamist National Congress party. A state of emergency first declared in 1999 was extended to the end of 2002, allowed the ruling party to stifle Islamist and other opposition voices. May 2001 saw the arrest and detention of members of the People’s National Congress (PNC), whose leader Hassan Al Turabi remains under house arrest. During the year 2001 SOAT has received reports of the arrest over 50 members of the PNC and other Islamic fundamentalist groups since September. To date, no charges have been brought against these individuals. Freedom of movement for opposition parties was also restricted by President Bashir’s government: in November, 2 leading members of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), an umbrella group of opposition parties, were prevented by the government from travelling to Egypt to participate in a meeting of an Egyptian-Libyan committee brokering peace for Sudan.
Also arrested on that date were Saad Aldin Hussain, Badawi Amin, and Abd Alrahim Salim, all members of the PNC. They were subsequently released on 16 July 2001. Dr Bashir Adam Rahmah (PNC) was arrested with these others on 3 May and released on 19 July. 5 members of the National Democratic Alliance political leadership secretariat were re-arrested between late evening on Thursday 10 May and early Friday 11 May. Ali al-Sayyid (DUP), Mohammed Mahjoub (SCP), Joseph Ukello (USAP), Mohammed Wida Ala (NDA spokesman), Dr Mohammed Suleiman (Trade Union Alliance). The men were arrested at their homes in Khartoum, before being taken to local police stations. The men were first arrested on 6 December 2000, following a meeting with an American Diplomat in Khartoum, on the grounds that NDA members were part of a conspiracy planning to incite a popular uprising, disrupt national security and support the rebel movement with American logistical support. They were released on bail on 26 April 2001, following an appeal by their lawyers to the Appeal Court. However, the government appealed against this decision to the Supreme Court, which took the decision to re-arrest them on 10 May. Charges were dropped against Hassan Al Turabi , Islamic leader and Secretary General of the Popular National Congress (PNC), and a further 5 PNC leaders, among them Mohamed El Amin Khalifa, Musa el Mek Kur, and Badar El Din Taha, although Turabi remains under house arrest. Their initial arrests took place on 21 February 2001, two days after the party signed a memorandum of understanding with the Sudan People’s Liberation Army which called for joint “peaceful resistance” to the Sudanese regime. Turabi, together with his 5 colleagues, were charged with incitement to harm the constitution and incitement to war against the state and the overthrow of the regime. Despite charges being dropped against him, Hassan al-Turabi was placed under house arrest, whilst the other men were released from Kober prison. The decision to place Hassan al-Turabi under house arrest came after a Khartoum court refused to renew the detention order that had kept him in jail for over three months, ruling on 5 June that his and his colleague’s detention was illegal. The court had given the government until June 10, 2001 to bring Turabi and other jailed PNC members to trial. The government failed to meet the deadline. Police took Turabi from Kober prison near the capital on 9 June 2001 to a guarded government house in a suburb of Khartoum where he still remains. On 31 October 2001, security officers arrested two leading members of the Communist party Yousif Hussain Mohamed and Abbas Mohamed Al Tahir from the house of Mohammed Hussain together with 4 lawyers. No reason was given for the arrest and the men have not been charged although officers alleged the lawyers had held an illegal meeting. The whereabouts of the men was unknown to their families and both their families and lawyers have been denied access to them. Yousif Hussain has been arrested three times since 1989 and has spent over 5 years in prison without charge or trail during which time he was severely tortured. Also arrested in October were the following, all of whom
are members of the PNC: The 7 have been held in detention for over 4 months without being charged or tried. This period is in excess of the 123 days which is set as the legal limit for detentions without trial according to the government Security Act. The lawyer acting on behalf of the 7 detainees submitted an appeal for their release on 19 February 2002. For further information, see also Section 1, Human Rights Defenders, page 3; and Section 5, Persecution of Students, page 14 In theory, the law in Sudan does not differentiate between men and women. Under the new constitution, women in Sudan are given equal rights, 'All people are equal before the courts of law. Sudanese are equal in rights and duties, as regards to functions of public life, and there shall be no discrimination only by reasons of race, sex or religious creed. They are equal in eligibility for public posts and offices not being discriminated on the basis of wealth'. (Article 21). This includes the right to vote. However, in practise women do not share equal rights in public life. The government of Sudan has continued to curtail severely the rights and freedoms of women in 2001-2002. It has detained, tortured and harassed women, and continued to enforce compulsory dress codes. Women’s rights in Sudan are undermined in a number of areas, often in the name of Islam, and while their situation varies greatly from one region to the next and with it the liberties they are permitted and the problems they face, in general women in Sudan continue to fare extremely poorly in terms of development indicators such as literacy, political participation, economic activity and gender-based violence. Harassment of female students has developed as a systematic policy used by the Security of the Community police (formerly the notorious Public Order Police), with the regulations placed on women with regard to dress justified by means of the demands of ‘Islamic propriety’. Under public order laws, Security of the Community police can raid unauthorised parties involving both men and women and round up "improperly" dressed women before taking them to special tribunals to be jailed, flogged or fined. It is believed that reports of harassment and discrimination towards women often do not receive public attention because women are afraid to make complaints publicly. Sudanese women in Khartoum also complained to the UN
Special Rapporteur for human rights, Gerhard Baum, about the lack of freedom
for women in Sudan and about the maltreatment of their husbands and relatives
in detention. Wisal al-Mahdi, wife of the detained Hassan Al-Turabi (Secretary
General of the PNC), said women and relatives of detained opposition officials
had been barred from seeing their spouses. • Public behaviour and dress code are firmly restricted;
legally permitted dress is that which covers all the body except the face
and hands; women are not permitted to socialise privately with a male
friend, attend a male friend’s house alone nor dance with a man
in public. Trade activities are also forbidden without appropriate dress,
and restricted to certain hours. On Friday 6 July 2001 in Khartoum, the Security of the Community police stopped 3 women and questioned them about their clothes and dress. When the women protested, the police attacked them, beating and verbally abusing them. The women were named as: Raniya el Shaikh Mohamed: Student at Omdurman Ahliya
University. All of the women sustained injuries. A medical report was issued by doctors at a hospital in Khartoum confirming their injuries, and the parents of the students reported the incident to the police and formally protested to the authorities. February 2002 also saw the Security of the Community police (formerly the infamous Public Order Police) continue their campaign against young female students who are not considered to conform to the demands of Islamic propriety. A spate of incidences occurred during February in which young women were rounded up and taken to police stations, detained and sometimes subjected to flogging for improprieties of appearance or behaviour. For further information, see also Section 5, Persecution of Students, page 14 Amani Osman, a lawyer and co-ordinator for the Arab Human Rights Activists organisation, was stopped by the Security of the Community Police on her way to court on 15 February 2002 and taken along with 13 other women, to a building in the Moqran region of Khartoum which was previously the headquarters of the Public Order Police. All the women were dressed in long skirts and long-sleeved shirts, however their attire was deemed unsuitable by the Security of the Community police. Amani’s fingerprints were taken and she was asked to sign a statement agreeing not to continue wearing inappropriate clothing, and warned that she would be subject to arrest if caught dressed in such a manner again. For further information see also Section 1, Human Rights Defenders and Lawyers, page 3 i) Punishments On 8 December 2001, Abok Alfa Akok, a Christian woman
of 18 years of age from the Dinka tribe, was sentenced by the criminal
court in Nyala City, Southern Darfur, to execution by stoning for the
crime of adultery. The sentence was based on Article 146 of Sudan’s
1991 Penal Code which states that whoever commits the offence of adultery
shall be punished with: The Nyala Criminal Court held a summary trial (muhaakama ijaaziyya) on 8 December 2001, where Abok was tried without a lawyer being present. She had no awareness of her rights in court, was given no access to legal advice prior to the trial, and was unable to understand the trial proceedings since they were held in Arabic, which she does not speak. Her lawyer insisted that she did not receive a fair trial. Subsequently, on 11 December 2001, Abok lodged an appeal (through the prison) with the South Darfour Court of Appeal against the sentence. Since then, on 2 January 2002, Masaad Mohamed Ali, lawyer for SOAT, and Surayah A H Daldoom, lodged an appeal with the South Darfur Court of Appeal, based on the following legal arguments. 1) Summary trial is not permitted in cases where capital
punishment may be imposed.
The abduction and enslavement of women and children on both sides of the protracted civil war in southern Sudan continues. However, in January 2002, the Committee for the Eradication of Abduction of Women and Children (CEAWC) formed in 1999, was given extra powers by a Presidential decree. The decree gave new powers to the Committee, and directed it to work closely with relevant international and regional organisations. Ahmed El Mufti has been chosen as the president of CEAWC, and vowed in January to wipe out the practice within one year. The chairperson has been vested with the power to arrest, interrogate and bring to justice those responsible for abductions, and some regional ministers from the districts bordering the Bahr el Arab River, the natural border line between northern and southern Sudan, are also to be appointed to the Committee. The decree also instructed funds to be provided by the Ministry of Justice, and accounts to be audited by the auditor general. SOAT welcomes the fortifying of CEAWC insofar as recent
developments are consistent with the aims of the organisation, and supports
the efforts of the Committee in bringing to justice the perpetrators of
Sudan’s slave trade, rather than rewarding them with so-called ‘redemptions’. 5. Persecution of Students Sudan’s universities have been subject to a substantial crackdown by the security forces over the previous year. Especially targeted have been members of the Student Democratic Front (SDF). 2 students have been killed and many of those involved in political activities have suffered severe harassment, arbitrary detentions and torture while in detention. Whilst it may be decreasing in other sectors of society, it is clear that torture with regard to students remains part of a systematic policy. As a general pattern over the year, students who were arrested and detained have suffered torture or some form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Female students in particular suffered increased intimidation, and the sexual threats, assaults and rape to which they have been subjected whilst in detention is of increasing concern. None of the acts of torture or ill treatment reported have been investigated by the authorities, no perpetrators have been brought to justice, and student victims of torture have not received any form of reparation. Additionally, many students, both male and female, have been dismissed or suspended in connection with the various ‘student discipline and code of conduct’ acts adhered to by university administrations. In August 2001, two students were shot and 16 others were seriously injured at Gezira University, 115 miles south of Khartoum. The incident was sparked when non-Gezira students, militants of the Student National Congress (SNC), marched in military uniform through the University campus chanting Islamic jihad slogans, and interrupted a political debate which had been organised by a student opposition group called the Arab Nassr-ist Socialist Party (ANSP). Gezira students from other opposition parties joined the ANSP to defend the forum for the debate. Police and security officers became involved and joined the SNC student militia and a police car hit one female student called Jihan Atif, provoking further anger amongst the students. Gunfire opened against the demonstrators. Some reports
suggested that police opened fire while others indicate those responsible
were the NC student militia. Two students were shot in the head and chest
and killed instantly. They were named as Mr Hamad El Tayeb and Mr Mutasim
Mohamed El Hassan. Sixteen other students were critically injured in the
shooting and Mr Al Nazeer Ahmed Abdullah was taken unconscious to hospital
where his kidney and spleen had to be removed. Two students from the militant NC were also injured. They were: Hashim Abdel Raheem and Hoseyfa Ali Alkheir. Both men belonged to another university in Khartoum. September 2001 saw the arrest of Adbel Khaliq AlFatih Abdulla, a third year medical student, at Bakhat AlRuda University in White Nile province. Abdel Khaliq is a leading member of the Student Democratic Front (SDF). He was arrested at the ferry crossing over the White Nile at Alduweim town. The security officers took his bag and later, while he was in detention, alleged that they had found a video film containing explicit sexual material in his bag. Abdel Khaliq was tortured while he was in detention and was released 12 hours after his arrest. Following his release, a medical report confirmed that he had severe bruising and swellings on his forehead and above his right eye, and had cuts to his right ear, left elbow and cuts and bruises to both thighs. Mr Abdullah had previously been arrested and harassed for being an outspoken member (‘Cadir Khatabi’) of the SDF. Abdel Khaliq went to the District Attorney in Alduweim city to submit a legal complaint. The District Attorney informed him that it was not within his jurisdiction to take any cases against the security forces. Mr Abdel Khaliq was then pressured and harassed by the security forces to refrain from initiating any legal action against them, and on 18 September Abdel Khaliq was charged with ‘contravening public morality’ under Article 153 of the Criminal Code, 1991. Lawyer Amir Mohamed Suliman, Director of Khartoum Centre for human rights and member of SOAT lawyers network, decided to take the case. On Monday 10 December there was a court hearing to hear the defence case and the testimony of the prime defence witness, Hisham Abdullateef. Following the session, as the witness, defendant and lawyer were leaving the court premises they were followed by security officers to the city centre and verbally intimidated and harassed. All three men were to take a coach back to Khartoum but were obstructed by two security officers who were named as Mubarak Suliman and Yousif Abu Ugla. The officers arrested the prime witness Hisham Abdullateef who was taken to the premises of the general security forces in Alduweem city. The freedom of movement of another witness, Mohamed Ahmed Abd AlGadir, was restricted and he was prevented from leaving his town to attend the court hearing. He was ordered not to leave the town until 12 December by which time the case had been heard. Both Mohamed Ahmed Abdel Gadir and Hisham Abdullateef had previously complained about being harassed and threatened by the security forces. Security officer Mubarak Suliman was personally involved in the harassment of the lawyer and arrest of the witnesses. Abdel Khaliq had also been threatened by Mubarak Suliman and had previously been subjected to torture leading to serious physical injuries according to the medical report. Defence lawyer, Amir Mohamed Suliman, submitted a formal complaint to the Minister of Justice and the Chief Justice, on 11 December 2001. On 10 November, 2001, 5 students from Nilain University in Khartoum and one graduate were arrested by security officers from a house in Al Hila El Jedida, Khartoum, where a meeting of the Student Democratic Front was taking place. The students were named as: Ahmed Ali Abdullah, 20 years old and a 3rd year business
studies student The students were taken to security offices near Farough cemetery in Khartoum, and all were subjected to torture. They were all beaten with plastic hoses and the 3 female students were threatened with rape, and told that they would be accused of having indecent relations with men if they did not co-operate. For further information, see also Section 4, Women’s Rights, page 11; and Personal Testimony of Heba, page 35 3 students were arrested on 1 December, 2001, all of
whom were members of the Student Democratic Front. They were named as
Abdel Bagi Mohammed, Abdel Nagid Ali and Iman Ali Sheikh. All of the students
were beaten with plastic hoses and subjected to hard exercise. They were
subsequently released on 6 December. ii) Contact between men and women iii) General decency Tahani Ibrahim Ahmed, a first year computer science student at the College of Technological Science in Omdurman, was suspended for 12 months on 2 February, 2002 for carrying out human rights activities. Tahani is a member of the SOAT student network and has formed a human rights group together with other students, organizing a symposium in which she spoke about women’s rights and CEDAW (Convention for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women). After her 12 month suspension and before being re-admitted to the College, Tahani will be forced to sign a pledge to behave in accordance with the Student Discipline and Code of Conduct Act (2002) which prohibits students from taking part in human rights organizing and political activities. If she continues to pursue these activities, the College has warned that she will be dismissed. On 6 February, 2002 the College administration also dismissed Walid Sideig Mohamed, a fifth year computer science student and member of the Student Democratic Front. Walid was dismissed for being involved in activities which were said to contravene Article 8.3 of the Student Discipline and Code of Conduct Act (2002), which prevents students from participating in political activities. He had received a notice from the College authorities in October 2002, warning that he would be dismissed if he continued with these activities. Four student members of the Student Democratic Front from Khartoum University were also suspended for 2 years in February and issued with a final warning of dismissal, after organizing a political symposium commemorating the October 1964 popular uprising. These activities were seen to violate the terms of the Student Discipline and Code of Conduct Act. Their names were: Adam Fadl Allah Adam (3rd year law student) In addition, Mohammad Al-Hadi Suleiman, a 4th year economics student, was suspended for 1 year. On 4 March 2002, Nagi Marghani Mohamed Salih, a 24 year old member of the Student Democratic Front, was arrested at 3.30pm on Saturday 2 March 2002 and taken to Security Forces offices near Farough Cemetery (Maghabir Farough) in Khartoum. Nagi is a 4th year student at Omdurman College of Technological Science. During his detention, Nagi was severely tortured. He was beaten with water hoses and empty bottles on different parts of his body, and sustained severe injuries to his ear, chest, back and legs. He was also threatened with rape using an empty cola bottle. Nagi was forced to sign a statement saying that he is an employee of the security forces with a salary of Ls 500,000. He was also made to sign a document confirming that he had supplied the security forces with a list of names of students classified according to political affiliation. The Security Forces threatened that if Nagi did not co-operate with them he would be dismissed from his University. Nagi was eventually released at 9pm on the same day. Amir Mohamed Suleiman, a lawyer and member of SOAT staff, is representing Nagi and has filed a formal complaint about his treatment to the authorities.
Darfour has suffered from an outbreak of banditry and highway robbery in recent years, with frequent robberies of vehicles coming to and from neighbouring Libya, Chad, and the Central African Republic. This situation has been worsening as a direct result of the rising level of poverty, drought and famine that has hit the region over the last ten years. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, intense drought conditions have adversely impacted on the populations of Kordofan, Darfour and the Red Sea State. More than 900,000 people were directly affected by the drought in North and West Darfour and Kordofan in 2001. As a result of both drought and famine, the entire system of domestic trade and production has been destroyed, forcing people to seek more desperate measures for survival. The government of Sudan needs to set up an emergency food distribution plan in the drought-affected areas, in order to stabilize grain prices and reduce the severe effects of the drought and resulting widespread poverty, rather than using draconian laws to punish its population. At the beginning of 2001, 19 men in Kober prison were under sentence of amputation, but after campaigning by international human rights organizations and pressure on the Government of Sudan, the sentences were suspended. However the reports received by SOAT confirmed that the government is now beginning systematically to execute sentences of amputation given in 2000 and 2001. The use of Emergency Courts, which exist only in Darfour,
increased markedly through the year, particularly towards the end of December
2001 and the beginning of 2002. They were established in Darfour in accordance
with the State of Emergency Act 1998, and are responsible for dealing
with crimes of armed robbery, possession of weapons, crimes against the
state, crimes relating to drugs, crimes of public nuisance, and any other
crime which would normally be heard by the governor or the district Chief
Justice. The courts are presided over by two military judges and one civil
judge and do not allow for any legal representation for the defendant.
Lawyers are forbidden form appearing before the court, however the defendant
is permitted to have a friend present. In Southern Darfur, between the 5 September and 26 November 2001, the Special Court in Nyala City, Darfur, sentenced 21 men to execution by hanging: they are still awaiting the execution of their punishments. In early December 2001, four men were sentenced to amputation
of the right hand. In addition, three men from Northern Darfour were executed
by means of death by hanging, and a further 4 men were sentenced to death
by hanging and are still awaiting execution. All of the men were convicted
for robbery and banditry in the Darfur region. Also sentenced by the Criminal
Court in Nyala, Darfour, on 12 December 2001, were Abdu Ismail Tong, 31,
a student from Guinea and Yousif Yaow Mombai, 31, from Zaire, to amputation
of the right hand after being convicted under Article 171 of 1991 Penal
Code of theft (alsargha alhadiyha). Both men are Christian. Abdu Ismail Tong and Yousif Yaow Mombai, were tried before the Special Court in Nyala while Mohamed Adam Yahya and Ahmed Sulieman Mohamed were tried before the Special Court in Alfahir City. It is believed that the four men did not receive a fair trial. According to their lawyers, there was insufficient evidence to convict them, and the usual judicial procedures were not properly followed. Their lawyers submitted an appeal. On 23 December, the Criminal Court in Al Fashir City, Darfour sentenced Al Sadiq Ibrahim Abdullah to amputation of the right hand after he was convicted of theft (alsargha alhadiyha) under article 171 of the 1991 Penal code. The sentence was executed later in December 2001. The Special Court in Al Fashir City also sentenced two men to cross amputation i.e. amputation of the right hand and left leg on 27 December 2001. The two men were from Um Kadada, a town in Darfur and were named as Adam Ibrahim Osman, 30, and Abd Allaha Ismail Ibrahim, 18. The men were convicted of banditry (armed robbery) and possession of unlicensed weapons in North Darfur. The sentence was given in accordance with Articles 162 and 168b of the 1991 Penal Code, which states that the punishment for armed robbery is cross amputation. Implementation of the execution is awaiting the approval of the Head of provincial judiciary. On 24 January 2002, a sentence of amputation of the right hand was executed on Anthony James Ladou Wani, a 46 year old Christian belonging to the KaKwa tribe from Southern Sudan. Anthony was accused of stealing car spare parts and was convicted of theft (alsargha alhadiyha) under Article 171 of the 1991 Penal Code and subsequently sentenced to amputation of the right hand from the wrist on 4 May 2000. He was detained in Kober prison in Khartoum from the date of sentencing until 24 January 2002. Another man, Khalid Mohammed Abdulrahman was accused of theft together with Anthony, but was found not guilty and freed. Anthony had no legal representation at his initial trial, as he was unable to pay for it himself. It has been alleged that he did not receive a fair trial, that there was not enough evidence to convict him and that the usual judicial procedures were not followed properly. An appeal was rejected by the highest court with jurisdiction on this matter. For further information, see also Section 8, Religious Intolerance, page 24 Table 1.
The government of Sudan ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in August 1990. Sudan is also party to other international instruments aimed at the promotion and protection of human rights and condemning the practice of torture, especially the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). On the basis of the information we have received, SVTG is extremely concerned that torture and ill treatment of children is widespread and systematically carried out. Although the government is not the only actor using violence against children, and despite the fact that part of the country is under the control of rebel forces, it remains the responsibility of the government, under Article 4 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to establish appropriate legislative and administrative measures to guarantee the promotion and protection of the rights of children in Sudan. Physical discipline and corporal punishment is used as a matter of course within centres for the detention of young offenders and accommodation camps for street children in Sudan, schools and religious instruction institution (Khalawi). Street children are regularly picked up by the police who extract bribes, beat, humiliate and harass them. Extensive powers of search and arrest are enjoyed by all police officers and even those of the lowest rank, who are extremely poorly educated and trained, and hold powers of arrest without warrant. That these powers exist without any supervision from the judiciary or from the police authorities, means that the door is left wide open for police officers to abuse their position and allows them to enjoy total immunity. The case of 15 year old street trader Alnour Ali Abdallah, illustrates the way in which police officers abuse their power. On Wednesday 7 November, 2001 the Security of the Community Police (formerly the notorious Public Order Police) beat Alnour to death. The officers attacked petty traders, including Mr Abdallah, between 5 and 6 pm in Alkalakla Al-lafa local market, 9-miles southwest centre of Khartoum. The police kicked Alnour with their boots and repeatedly battered his head and chest with their gun butts until he fell unconscious. He was taken to the hospital but died before arrival. The Security of the Community Police frequently attack the women and children who work at the market, confiscating their products together with whatever profits they may have made. The individuals are usually then taken to the “Instant Courts” (formerly known as the Public Order courts) where they are flogged and fined. The women and children are denied access to legal representation and right to appeal is also refused. It is evident that the victims of the extensive powers held by the Public Order Police are frequently members of the most vulnerable and socio-economically disadvantaged sections of society, particularly displaced persons and street children.
1. Al Giraif Reform Centre for young offenders (Islahiyat Al Giraif) Al Giraif Reform Centre houses 14 girls and 80 boys between the ages of 7 and 15. Two of the girls detained have children. Established in the early 1950s, the two main objectives of the centre are stated as being to enhance and promote the spiritual development of children, and to provide vocational training. The former is supposed to be achieved by means of religious teaching given by Christian and Islamic scholars. However, whilst there is a mosque at the centre, there are no facilities for Christian worship and religious teaching is exclusively Islamic, even though 39.7% of children at the institution are Christian. Although the centre provides vocational training, it
does not meet the basic educational rights of the children as set out
in Articles 28 and 29 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which
state that every child is entitled to compulsory primary education. All the supervisors working at the centre are low ranking policemen, with the ‘social care department’ staffed solely by researchers. There are no social workers, doctors, nurses or psychologists employed by the centre to cater for the medical, social or psychological needs of the children housed there. Military-style parades and inspections take place at the beginning and end of each day as well as before meals, and whipping of children is common as a punishment even for very minor offences. In cases where the individual child who has committed an offence cannot be identified, a collective penalty is applied whereby all the children are subject to punishment. Children are most commonly made to work on the construction and maintenance of buildings, whilst a few who receive recommendations for behaviour or earn the favour of supervisors, are allowed to work as cleaners or gardeners in the houses of police officers. This treatment does not meet the demands of Article 40 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child which recognizes “the right of every child alleged as, accused of, or recognized as having infringed the penal law to be treated in a manner consistent with the promotion of the child’s sense of dignity and worth.” Reasons for detention Table i. Distribution of centre population of boys according to criminal conviction Year Theft Alcohol related offences Murder Offences against
‘morality’ Public order offences Other Table ii. Distribution of centre population of girls according to criminal conviction Year Theft Alcohol related offences Murder Offences against
‘morality’ Public order offences Other
Crime committed % of centre population As is evident from the above figures, theft is the most common crime for which children are detained in the Al Giraif centre, indicating towards the likelihood of poor economic circumstances before being taken into the institution. Moreover since 1998, there has been an overall increase in the number of children taken into the reform centre due in large part to the Public Order Act of that year which makes living on the streets a criminal offence punishable under article 16 of the Public Order Law. The majority of girls in the centre are detained as a result of committing alcohol related offences, and it is thought likely that in these cases, children are used to trade in alcohol in order to obtain profits for adults. Regional breakdown of centre population Table iv. Population of the centre according to place of birth Place of birth % of centre population Whilst these figures give a breakdown of the location at birth of the detainees, it does not accurately reflect their ethnic background. The majority of the children in fact come not from the North, but from Southern and Western Sudan.
There are a number of centres around Khartoum which are designated by the government for the accommodation of street children. Under the Public Order Law, Security of the Community Police are empowered to round up children found living on the streets and take them to an accommodation centre. The Public Order Law states that living on the streets is, in itself, a crime worthy of detention. The stated purpose of the accommodation centres is to provide housing and education for children detained there. However, there is a lack of social workers or other individuals experienced in child care provision and centres are controlled by police officers, with military-style parades and inspections are a daily occurrence. All children at the centres are forced to take part in Muslim worship and are punished by whipping if they fail to attend prayers. This contravenes Article 14.1 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which states that “State parties shall respect the right of the child to freedom of thought, conscience and religion.” All of the centres are isolated from their surrounding communities, and children have little contact with any persons other than their supervisors: this kind of isolation violates Article 39 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Tayba Camp The Tayba centre houses 250 boys between the ages of 7 and 12. Accommodation takes the form of hospital-style wards, with up to 30 boys in each one. The centre is staffed by a director and 9 supervisors who work there as part of their compulsory military service, usually remaining at Tayba for only 6-9 months. No doctors, psychologists or social workers are employed at the centre. Sexual abuse of younger children by older boys has been reported as taking place in the wards, where children of all ages are grouped together. One incident of sexual abuse by a police officer has also been reported. Whilst there is a mosque at which all children are forced to worship, no facilities are provided for the majority of the centre’s population who are Christian or Animist. Children at the Tayba centre have no contact with anyone outside the centre, which is completely isolated from the community. Entry is strictly prohibited without express permission of the director, and it is forbidden to take photographs of conditions inside the centre. Rashad Camp Rashad provides accommodation for 260 boys from the ages of 7 to 12. Cases have been reported of boys at the centre who have been mistaken as streetchildren by the police, when in fact they had simply been separated from their mothers at a busy market. The children live in 20 wards which lack basic facilities. Both wards and classrooms are constructed from corrugated iron, making them very hot in summer and very cold in winter. Many of the boys at the centre have been reported as suffering from skin infections and malnutrition, and whilst a medical unit exists, it lacks basic and emergency equipment and no medical staff are employed. There are a number of disabled and deaf boys at Rashad, but no facilities or qualified personnel are provided to care for their needs. As in Tayba, participation in Muslim prayers is compulsory regardless of religious belief. Children are woken from sleep and stopped from eating in order to attend, and are forced to pray even when ill. The only form of education offered to the boys is religious instruction and teaching of the Koran. Compulsory attendance of prayers is in contravention of Article 14 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), whilst failure to provide basic education violates Articles 28 and 29 which stipulate the right to compulsory primary education. Additionally, no time is set aside for the children to rest in between religious instruction, prayers and meals : the right to rest and time for leisure is set out in Article 31.1 of the CRC which recognizes the right of the child to “rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activites”. Bashayir Camp for Girls 90 girls are accommodated at Bashayir. Researchers were denied access to enter the camp, but reports from girls who have escaped or been released, suggest that conditions are similar to those in Rashad and Tayba. Mygoma Camp Mygoma houses 95 illegitimate babies and young children up to the age of 5. Health problems and a high mortality rate have been reported with regard to the young children at Mygoma. The wards in which children are accommodated are overcrowded and very poorly lit, and there is an absence of both basic education and general stimulation, either emotional or physical. No qualified child-care workers are employed, and all children receive the same treatment regardless of age or particular needs. There are a number of disabled children at the centre, for whom no specialised care is provided. As in the other camps, Mygoma is isolated from the community and access to outsiders is restricted.
Reports emerged in 2001 of male children aged between 4 and 7 being smuggled out of Sudan and taken to camel racing camps in the Gulf states, where they are kept forcibly by trainers who teach them the sport. In some cases, the children are taken with the consent of their parents, who are themselves promised jobs and housing in the host nations. However, whilst children are taken away by trainers, in most cases no jobs are available and the promised housing does not exist and, without residency permits, parents are then forced to leave the host country. Parents are often prevented from collecting their children and bringing them back to Sudan. Once in the training camps the young boys are kept on a strict diet to maintain standard weight, because it is believed that the lighter the jockey the faster the camel will be able to race. The children are not provided with any form of education whilst in the camps. The practice is a clear violation of Article 32 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), and is against the laws of Sudan which ban the employment of children under the age of 18 with or without the consent of their parents. Moreover, the denial of access to primary compulsory education violates Articles 28 and 29 of the CRC. In February 2002 however, the authorities announced the launch of a campaign against the smuggling of Sudanese children abroad for use as camel riders. The Police Criminal Investigation Department was said to be intensifying measures to arrest smugglers and to bring them to justice. Ahmed Al Turani, the police officer charged by the Interior Ministry with stopping the practice, stated that 5 child smugglers had already been intercepted and found in possession of children’s passports, photographs and immigration documents. SOAT welcomes these renewed efforts by the authorities to stop child smuggling. 8. Religious Intolerance April 2001 saw government cancellation of Easter celebrations in Khartoum. The ceremonies had been due to go ahead between 10 - 14 April, 2001 in Green Square, Khartoum and had been previously cleared by the government. However, the day before the commencement of the festival, church leaders were notified by the authorities that the permit to use Green Square had been withdrawn. The action was justified by the government on the grounds that threats from Islamic militants had been received, warning that there would be casualties if the Easter celebrations were allowed to proceed. The organisers of the event had also received threats that speakers would be killed if the event went ahead. Rather than pursuing the Islamic extremists however, the government opted to cancel the event, thus preventing the Christians from exercising their freedom of religion and of demonstration. Due to the short notice given by the authorities the organisers were unable to contact speakers or participants, and hundreds of people arrived on 10 April to attend the first day of the Easter gatherings in Green Square, where they were forcibly turned away by police. This led to a collision with riot police who used tear gas and live ammunition, injuring more than 100 people: of these, 3 were taken to hospital in a critical condition. 54 people were arrested and tried before the Criminal Court in Khartoum. 6 women were sentenced to 15 lashes each, and 3 juveniles to 20 lashes, whilst the remaining 45 were sentenced to 20 days imprisonment. On 11 April 2001, Christians gathered at All Saints Cathedral
to pray and then proceeded to the compound of the Olympic Sports Centre
adjacent to the Cathedral in which a conference on Evangelism was beingheld.
Once again, they were attacked by police who used tear gas and fired live
rounds at the protestors. One youth had his right hand amputated, and
5 people were critically injured. Approximately 100 demonstrators were
arrested. Sudanese law calls for the death penalty for a Muslim
who commits apostasy by converting to another faith. Throughout 2001 and into 2002, the government of Sudan has continued to use aerial bombardments of civilian targets in the south as part of its war strategy. 568 bombs were dropped on civilian areas, killing at least 111 people and injuring hundreds more; schools, hospitals and humanitarian aid centres were also targeted. Two announcements stating government intentions to cease bombing civilian targets in the south were made - firstly in May 2001 in order to allow humanitarian access to the Nuba mountains, and secondly in January 2002, following the visit of US special envoy John Danforth – but both were dishonoured within a matter of days, and the bombing of many regions, most notably Bahr el-Ghazal and Eastern Equatoria, intensified. As a result of ongoing military offensives on civilian areas, concerns over food insecurity and population movements in the south have become increasingly serious. During the first six months of 2001, the US Committee for Refugees reported that some 150,000 people had become displaced in Sudan as a result of the conflict. The figure comprised 55,000 newly displaced people who fled from 48 villages around the oilfields of Southern Sudan during late 2000 and early 2001, up to 50,000 displaced in a military offensive by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) in Bahr el-Ghazal during May/June 2001, and 40,000 residents of the Nuba Mountains region who fled government attacks. The humanitarian situation in Bahr el-Ghazal and the Nuba Mountains region of South Kordofan has become particularly acute. Some aid agencies warned of a crisis as a result of the SPLA offensive and ensuing intensification of government bombings around the strategic town of Raga, Western Bahr el-Ghazal, in May/June 2001. A security assessment by Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) in June estimated that only 10,000 of a population previously estimated at 40,000 remained in the town. The World Food Program warned of the vulnerability of large displaced populations in Bahr el-Ghazal and the Nuba Mountains, and stated that they were, and would remain food insecure, needing both food and non-food assistance. Overall, the region of Bahr el-Ghazal is expected to face a food deficit of 40 percent in the year to come, after drought and conflict-related insecurity have prevented crop cultivation. Relief workers have voiced grave concerns about the issue of access to large numbers of people both in Bahr el-Ghazal and in the Nuba Mountains, as government bombing continues to hamper relief efforts. In June, several places in great need of humanitarian assistance, such as Marial Bai, Nyamlell and Bararud, Bahr el-Ghazal, were added to a list of areas denied government flight access. In addition, humanitarian operations have themselves been affected by government attacks in a series of bombing raids on relief centres providing emergency supplies: operations of the World Food Program in Mangayath and Akuem and those of Operation Lifeline Sudan in Malwal Kon were affected. The government was also reported to have used surface-to-surface
missiles for the first time, prior to an advance on the town of Kurmuk
near the Ethiopian border. This new development, likely funded by oil
revenues, has caused alarm amongst aid agencies who expressed fears that
the effect of such a missile falling on a town would be to clear all aid
missions out, and severely jeopardise future relief efforts in the area.
Operations around the oilfields of Southern Sudan were thought to be especially
at risk from the use of such missiles. In May, there were 13 reported bomb attacks by the government on civilian targets in southern Sudan, according to sources in close contact with the situation on the ground. During May, there were bomb attacks on Bahr El-Ghazal, Equatoria, Southern Blue Nile, Southern Kordofan and Upper Nile. In three separate instances, bombs had been dropped near an NGO compound in Akuem and a dispensary in Tonj, and had damaged a health centre in Acumcum, all in Bahr El-Ghazal. Whilst the government stated on 24 May that it would
cease bombing civilian areas in Southern Sudan and the Nuba mountains,
attacks continued until the authorities formally announced on 11 June
that there would be a resumption of bombing in those areas. The town of
Raga in Bahr El-Ghazal was particularly hard hit, with bombs landing in
heavily populated areas, killing at least 4 civilians, including 1 child,
and badly damaging a hospital and church school. In the afternoon of 24
June, 6 people were killed, including a mother and her baby, as bombs
were dropped in a straight line across an area of the town populated exclusively
by civilians. The intensification of bombing in strategically important
Raga, came after a large-scale Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA)
offensive seizure of the town in early June. For several months after
the seizure, none of the major humanitarian agencies serving southern
Sudan from bases in Kenya have gained clearance from the Khartoum government
to go to Raga, and there was serious concern over food insecurity in the
area.
Bombings in Eastern Equatoria continued in August, when Government of Sudan aircraft attacked two villages and a camp for internally displaced people on the 26th of the month. Four houses were destroyed and one person seriously injured after Antonovs dropped a total of 14 bombs on the IDP camp at Ngaluma, and the villages of Ikotos and Hiyala. During early October, three separate bombing raids were carried out by government aircraft on the village of Mangayath, Western Bahr el-Ghazal, all of which occurred during the distribution of relief food to internally displaced persons (IDPs) who had gathered in the location to collect supplies. The bombings were condemned by the United Nations, who was forced to evacuate its humanitarian staff without completing the planned delivery of assistance. The World Food Program said it had planned to distribute 240 tonnes of emergency food aid to some 20, 000 IDPs in the area, most of whom had arrived in Mangayath since late September, having fled fighting in SPLA-held Raga town. Government Antonov aircraft dropped 15 bombs on Mangayath on 5 October, followed by further attacks on 7 and 8 October. Kenzo Oshima of the UN, said the attacks were carried out despite the food distribution having been cleared well in advance by the Sudanese government, and that the most recent raids occurred despite an official UN protest being filed with Khartoum. Bombings by the government of Sudan continued in northern
Bahr el-Ghazal in November 2001, as the villages of Malwal Kon, a significant
relief centre, and Madhol in Aweil East county were hit. Antonov bombers
dropped a total of six bombs on Malwal Kon, including one very close to
an Operation Lifeline Sudan relief centre, and five on Madhol, a few kilometres
to the east. Malwal Kon is a significant and strategic village in the
northern part of Bahr al-Ghazal and has a history of being bombed. In
addition to being a high-profile centre for relief interventions, it is
an important link with the trading centre of Warawa to the north. See table below for detailed information on aerial bombardments Data on bombings in Central and Southern Sudan comes from Vigilance Soudan, and is collected from the UN’s Operation Lifeline Sudan, who in turn collect information from a consortium of more than 30 international aid organisations and international relief groups that operate in areas of Sudan inaccessible to OLS, and local Sudanese church groups. * indicates exact number of bombs not confirmed March 2001 April 2001
June 2001 Date Location Region # of bombs Notes July 2001
Date Location Region # of bombs Notes September 2001 |